Electroglottograph and Acoustic Cues for Phonation Contrasts in Taiwan Min Falling Tones

Abstract

This study explored the effective articulatory and acoustic parameters for distinguishing Taiwan Min falling unchecked tones 53 and 31 and checked tones 5 and 3. Data were collected from Zhangzhou, Quanzhou, and mixed accents in northern, central, and southern Taiwan. Results showed that EGG parameters, Contact Quotients (CQ) and Peak Increase in Contact (PIC) were not effective in distinguishing checked from unchecked tones across speakers. In contrast, f0 contour and Cepstral Peak Prominence (CPP) consistently distinguished checked tones from unchecked tones across speakers. The f0 onset was highest for tone 53, followed in order by tone 3, 5 and 31. The f0 contours of tone 5 were the highest in the later half of the vowels. CPP measures of checked tones were higher than those of unchecked tones in the latter portion of vowels.